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PUBLISHED: 14/09/2022. Constitutions, Customary and Religious Law, and Gender Equality: Reconciling Rights in Constitutional Design Negotiations. PUBLISHED: 08/09/2022. Constitution-Building and Disruption: Addressing Changing Conflict Patterns: Eighth Edinburgh Dialogue on Post-Conflict Constitution-Building, 2021. PUBLISHED: 30/08/2022. There were five recognized "goals" of the gacaca court system.Specifically, the gacaca court system sought to: "(1) establish the truth about what happened; (2) accelerate the legal proceedings for those accused of genocide crimes; (3) eradicate a culture of impunity; (4) reconcile Rwandans and reinforce their unity; and (5) use the capacities of Rwandan society to administer justice demonstrate a detailed analysis of the Gacaca Courts from the viewpoint of public international law. The Gacaca Courts began their activities on the 18 th of June 2002 and were terminated on the 18 th of June 2012, and had prosecuted and tried around 2 million files of suspects of genocide and crimes against humanity committed Rwanda's Troubled Gacaca Courts Christopher J. Le Mon Follow this and additional works at: digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/hrbrief Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Le Mon, Christopher J. "Rwanda's Troubled Gacaca Courts." Human Rights Brief 14, no. 2 (2007): 16-20. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Rwanda's Gacaca Courts Susan Thomson 1 In June 2012, Rwanda's community-based gacaca (ga-cha-cha) courts closed after processing almost two million cases for crimes of genocide. The courts are at the heart of government efforts to achieve national unity and reconciliation following the violence of the 1994 genocide. In just 100 days, ethnic Of the nine expressed objectives of gacaca analysed in this book - clearing the backlog of genocide cases, improving the conditions in the prisons, economic development, truth, peace, justice, healing, forgiveness and reconciliation - only economic development is entirely unfeasible through gacaca. Regarding the remaining themes, based on Contrasting the ICTR with gacaca courts, Fink argues that the latter forms a traditional mechanism of restorative justice through the process of "shaming".14 Traditional leaders or elites publicly recognize the guilt of the perpetrators in relation to their victims. Thus, survivors can work to overcome the pain and vulnerability of the past to work with their oppressors to rebuild their United States. In this way, the similarities and differences of Gacaca to a judicial court proceeding are explored,8 and Gacaca's strengths and weaknesses are analyzed. In the final section, Gacaca is placed within the context of multiple responses, on international and national levels, in a post-conflict situation. The analysis and comments in One of the twelve thousand Gacaca Court (Inkiko Gacaca) hearings held each week throughout Rwanda, at the height of their period of operation began by calling back before the court a man who had already been tried and sentenced just two weeks prior. Since the conclusion of his trial, the man's family were said to have committed